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Link: OSCE must start making collective decisions again

Interview: Klaus Prömpers, Basel /sbDecember 5, 2014

For two days, the OSCE has held a heated debate over the Ukraine crisis. The director of the organization’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights examines the OSCE's future in a DW interview.

https://p.dw.com/p/1E02z
Symbolbild OSZE Wahlen Ukraine
Image: Sergei Supinks/AFP/Getty Images

DW: At the moment, it looks as though all communication channels with Russia are blocked. What does it mean for the future of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe if Russian President Vladimir Putin keeps rejecting its suggestions?

Michael Gerog Link: The OSCE is and will continue to be the crucial forum for Euro-Atlantic talks, but, as you say, it isn't only about talking - it's also about talking to someone. Putin has received quite a lot of offers for talks and now it is about getting the message across, and we have to be creative in finding out how to do that together.

Next year, the OSCE will be celebrating its 40th anniversary. But now, there is the situation with Ukraine and trouble for the OSCE to find a peaceful solution there. A 15-member panel has been set up under the leadership of former German diplomat Wolfgang Ischinger, who is head of the Munich Security Conference. What can he do and what should he do?

The council, the Ischinger panel, as I call it, is definitely supposed to help find a new way of looking at aspects of security and find a collective approach. Doing this on the side - not with the heads and foreign ministers, but using a "committee of wise persons" is an exciting and a good idea, in my opinion. Provided that the members, and that includes Russia, are prepared to accept this council. This could loosen the blockade.

Michael Georg Link OSZE Pressebild
Link is the director of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) in WarsawImage: OSCE/FDP Baden-Württemberg

No one has rejected the council of the wise, not even the Russians. Does this mean that Russia is ready to reflect positively on the future of the OSCE?

I hope so. That is certainly what I, in my position as head of the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODHIR), always try to attain. It must be noted that while we are open to talks, especially with Russia or other partners who voice frequent criticism against us, we naturally will stick to our human rights standards.

These human rights standards led to an opening between eastern and southeastern Europe in the past. What should or must the OSCE do in future? Perhaps more than simply monitoring elections?

Yes, definitely. Election monitoring is only just a small part of what we do. What we do - and have done since 1991 - is provide council for the legislative process, trial monitoring, and human rights monitoring. In other words, we advise and help states not only in the east, but also west of Vienna in the legislative process, make sure that with regard to human rights, the laws are in line with the standards of those countries which created them.

When it comes to Ukraine, Russia has accused Kyiv of not adhering to those OSCE human rights standards, especially when it comes to minorities. Did that criticism hit a nerve?

We take that very seriously. We have also brought the Russian concerns to the Ukraine government because we say that everyone, of course, even Ukraine, must work on their human rights standards. But here it has to be said that now, with the new Ukrainian government and parliament, that we see clear signs this will be addressed. For example, the Ukrainian government has asked us to soon begin advising on and developing a national human rights strategy and also advising on legislation for political party financing. We offer this service to member states.

In two years, Germany will assume the chair of the OSCE. Do you think the OSCE will be in a better position than now? That it might be able to accomplish something?

The OSCE already accomplishes a lot because we at least have a forum for dialogue. If we imagine we didn't have that, I think it would be a lot worse. Regarding Germany's chair: Germany was smart to not create any huge expectations - by not making big announcements, but instead saying, "Let's work together on what's in front of us." And especially with the "committee of wise persons" let's find a way to get the discussions going again.

What is the biggest shortfall after 40 years that the OSCE needs now to tackle?

It would be important for us in the OSCE to finally be in the position again to make collective decisions. Since 2005 or 2006 there haven't really been any major or important resolutions. The principal of unanimous voting means that there is usually at least one who votes no.

Michael Georg Link is the director of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) in Warsaw.