Egyptian elections

Candidates from the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Freedom and Justice Party, won the largest share of seats in Egypt's parliamentary elections in December.

But the party's program still remains vague, and the Muslim Brotherhood has not indicated which ideological direction it aims to steer the country in and what consequences it could have for Egypt's political, social and culture future.

Recent plans by the Muslim Brotherhood's to field one of its own candidates in the country's presidential election in May have come as a surprise to many as it reverses an earlier pledge by the group to stay out of the presidential race.

But the Brotherhood's choice of candidate is less surprising: Khairat el-Shater, who is also known as "Al muhandis" or "The Engineer." That's reportedly what el-Shater has liked to be called ever since he studied engineering and then taught at the University of Al-Mansoura in northern Egypt.

Millionaire businessman

The 62-year-old el-Shater belongs to the 'younger' generation of Muslim Brotherhood members, experts have said. That refers to a generation of leaders marked by a high degree of pragmatism and less by religious extremism as propagated by Hassan al-Banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood.

In addition, el-Shater is considered one of Egypt's wealthiest men. His fortune can be traced back to the 1990s when he set up a computer systems company. He expanded the flourishing business and gained a foothold in other industries including furniture, tractors, cars, textiles and chemicals. El-Shater also has experience in the consultancy sector.

He used the profits generated from his companies to build his position and rise through the ranks in the Muslim Brotherhood through a network of carefully cultivated personal contacts and alliances. The millionaire businessmen employed several members of the Brotherhood in his companies and married his daughters to Brotherhood members.

Years behind bars

But el-Shater has paid a high price for his political activism. He spent over 11 years in prison. Originally a leftist, he was first jailed in 1967 for taking part in anti-government protests during the presidency of Gamal Abdel Nasser. During this time, el-Shater became an Islamist.

He spent further spells behind bars when now former-president Hosni Mubarak came to power. In 2006, el-Shater was given a seven-year jail sentence by a military court on charges that included supplying students with weapons and training. In 2011, he was pardoned by the military leadership that took power after Mubarak resigned amid massive protests.

It remains unclear how el-Shater's experiences have shaped his political worldview. Has he really learned to cherish the values of democracy and liberalism given his own experience of prison and torture?

Dina Fakoussa, head of the EU-Middle East Forum at the German Council on Foreign Relations remains skeptical. It's quite possible that a person who has spent so much time in prison, she said, would champion ending human rights abuses and torture routinely practiced in jails.

"But that doesn't mean that the Muslim Brotherhood would act similarly in other areas. That means their agenda on women's rights or the rights of minorities is quite questionable," Fakoussa told DW. "At least for now it's difficult to gauge what policies they will follow."

Protecting minority rights

El-Shatar has tried to counter such concerns about the Brotherhood on his website. Under the title, "You don't need to fear us," he wrote that the Muslim Brotherhood's success need not worry anyone because the organization respects "the rights of all political and religious groups."

The organization is aware, el-Shater continued, "that dictatorship and corruption are to blame for many of the problems that this country has suffered in the last century." That's why it's impossible, he said, "to carry out comprehensive political and economic reforms without remedying the damage that our key political institutions have suffered."

But the question remains about whether such statements are sincere. Fakoussa remains wary about the group's position on minorities.

"The Muslim Brotherhood has Coptic Christians in the party," Fakoussa said. "However, that is still no proof that they will protect their rights."

Stephan Roll, a Middle East expert at the Berlin-based German Institute for International and Security Affairs, disagreed. The history of the Muslim Brotherhood in the last decades has shown, he said, that they pursue a path of gradual change.

"They aren't revolutionaries who demand radical change," Roll told DW. "Rather they have turned into more moderate politicians."

Roll said the development is criticized by younger, reformist and secular activists within the organization. But, he added, the Muslim Brotherhood reflects the majority view of the country.

"Egypt is a very conservative, Islamic country and the Muslim Brotherhood's approach represents the will of the majority of the population," Roll said. "You cannot overlook that."

Growing self-confidence

But why has the Muslim Brotherhood backtracked on its earlier promise and decided to field a presidential candidate in elections in May?

Fakoussa said she suspects it's an attempt by the Brotherhood to raise the pressure on Egypt's military leadership, the ruling Supreme Council of Armed Forces. It's also proof of the Brotherhood's growing self-confidence.

"They feel really strengthened, they performed very well in the elections, they dominate the parliament and they dominate the Constitutional Assembly," Fakoussa said.

The Muslim Brotherhood has always insisted that it does not seek political power. But Fakoussa said their position hasn't been credible.

"The Brotherhood tried to portray itself as a unifying force that doesn't want to polarize the country at a time when it's going through a transformation," Fakoussa said. "However, their behavior has been completely contradictory."

Will pragmatism trump religion?

Roll, however, said he suspects that el-Shater is a candidate that both the military and the Muslim Brotherhood agreed on in an attempt to sideline other candidates.

"It would be very, very difficult for both the Muslim Brotherhood as well as for the Egyptian military if there was a popular, self-confident and maybe even completely independent president such as Abdel Moneim Abou El Fettouh, from the Muslim Brotherhood or the Salafist candidate Hazem Abu Ismael," Roll said.

Commentators in Egypt are divided about el-Shater's candidacy and how far he will allow the religious ideas of his party to seep into its everyday political work.

But considering el-Shater's biography, it's fair to assume that he will follow the same principle on a national level that he seems to have embraced so successfully in his private life - economic pragmatism and a commitment to a free market.

Author: Kersten Knipp /sp
Editor: Sean Sinico